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Maybe we are not in Byzantium "unfathomable" sung by Frank Sinatra, poised between the old and new that is disappearing, which has not yet manifested ("something is changing, but is a weak prediction it does not say how and when "), but certainly a historical cycle is coming sadly at sunset. Beyond what happens on 14, nothing will ever be. Berlusconi manages to cobble together a majority, or going under, this government will hardly to complete the term. Without prejudice to the prerogatives of the President of the Republic, it remains to be seen whether it is viable the way of so-called government of "national responsibility" or if the crisis will lead us straight to the polls. The first hypothesis would be wise, but you have to deal with the League and PDL, not at all willing to step aside after winning the election. The second would be logical and consistent with the functioning of modern democracies: When there is a crisis of governance, the word back to the voters.
A discussion of the facts is not biased, however, leads to consider a secondary issue at all. It is likely that the Italian company is taking back what he had to give with Tangentopoli. Berlusconi anomaly has been mostly sustained in the homeland of the factions, of the details, the splitting of the interest. Like it or not, Italy will always be impossible to reduce everything to two parties, two visions. There are too many differences. Between north and south, within each region and even at the provincial level. This country can stay together only if all its members have a voice.
should then move back the clock? The antithesis representative / governance has been resolved, in the First Republic, for the exclusive benefit of the first horn of the dilemma. In Parliament this was "all" the Italian company, under a proportional system that provided almost complete recovery of the remains. Immediate consequence of political fragmentation, however, was the short duration of governments, an average of about nine months from 1948 to 1992. Too little government action to provide continuity. In fact, a system so a cast was sustained only because of the impossibility of alternation, as attested by the conventio ad excludendum . In the Second Republic was favored by governance, with results that are visible to all: a political class virtually besieged inside the palace. The search for new instruments of pressure and representation (Forum, class action, social networks), outside the traditional political channels, was due to the apparent detachment of parties from society. And the short circuit explodes because the sacrifice of shares in power in the name of governability is revealed completely in vain. In fact, apart from the Berlusconi of 2001-2006, since 1994 no president of the Council has been in the saddle for the entire term.
The end of 'Berlusconi was "will lead to a profound reshuffling of ideas, methods of government, containers political alliances and, hopefully, greater protection of public interests with respect to matters more personal than political. For a political class that promises renewed, it will be the task of finally being able to reconcile the reasons for governance with those of representation.